SELF-CRITICISM AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
Self-criticism stands at the heart of any
experiment in civil society.
Only when we can acknowledge errors and commit to avoiding making
them again, can we have a learning curve. Only when scholars can
express their criticism of academic colleagues, and those criticized
are able to acknowledge error, can scientific and social thinking
develop. Only when religious believers can entertain the possibility
that they may not have a monopoly on truth (no matter how convinced
they might be), can various religions live in peace and express
their beliefs without fear of violence. Only when political elites
are willing to accept negative feedback from people who do not
have their power, only when the press can oppose those who control
public decision-making, can a government reasonably claim to be
“of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
But self-criticism is difficult, especially if it takes place
in public. Public admission of fault can provoke a powerful sense
of humiliation, and involves an obligation to cease the erroneous
behavior and attitudes. Most people actively dislike admitting
error, fault, or failure, and will go to great lengths to avoid
public concessions. We all develop elaborate means to protect
ourselves from such public shame and obligation, by rationalizing
or finger pointing at some other party whom we try to coerce to
take responsibility for the problem, either by manipulating public
opinion or using force. The extreme expressions of such efforts
to avoid responsibility involve scape-goating and demonizing,
in which the sacrifice of the assigned “guilty party” is necessary
to cover our own refusal to admit any fault.
And yet, self-criticism can become a valuable acquired taste.
All positive-sum outcomes depend on some degree of willingness,
if only implicitly, to admit fault, to share the blame, and to
make concessions to the other side. Without self-criticism and
its accompanying learning curve, there is little progress. Hence
progressives rightly emphasize self-criticism.
MOS AND THE PATHOLOGIES OF SELF-CRITICISM
In some cases, however, self-critical progressives can fall into
the trap of taking most or all of the responsibility for something
even if it is not of their doing. . This reflects the notion that
it takes a “big man” to admit fault, and that if we progressives
are stronger, we should make the first, second and even third
moves of concession and apology, in order to encourage those with
whom we find ourselves in dispute. Combining inflated rhetoric
with a therapeutic notion that the disadvantaged should not be
held to the same standards leads one to fall into self-critical
pathologies.
In the most extreme cases, we encounter masochistic omnipotence
syndrome (MOS): “it is all our fault; and if we can only be better,
we can fix anything/everything.” This hyper-critical attitude
can be seen with particular clarity in the response of some progressives
and radicals to both the 9-11 attack in 2001 in the US, and the
7-7 attack in 2005 in London.
At some level, this operates as a kind of prophetic rhetoric:
by inflating the sins, by
self-flagellating, one hopes to whip the offending Western
party into changing their behavior, a kind of public shaming designed
to provoke so much outrage and guilt as to change the situation.
While one can debate the value of such rhetorical moves, one must
at least become aware of the significant distortions in perception
it can lead to. The tendency to self-criticize leads to a
kind of self-absorption in which one loses any sense of the other
side of any conflict. Any attempt to put matters in perspective
by comparing gets dismissed: “I refuse to judge myself (us) by
their standards.”
THE DISTORTIONS OF NOT FACTORING FOR SELF-CRITICISM
While such an excellent sentiment prevents “us” from using the
moral depravity of “them” as an excuse to neither self-criticize,
nor to hold ourselves to higher standards, it can backfire when
we forget how much people dislike self-criticism and will do everything
to avoid it. All zero-sum outcomes depend to some degree on the
ability of one side to impose its blame on the other (they deserve
to lose). In tribal warrior cultures, there is no need for such
arguments since the basic understanding of all the tribes is “my
tribe is right or wrong,” and “plunder or be plundered.” But in
cases where such political cultures deal with civil societies,
where positive-sum rules discourage routine aggressions, aggressive
zero-sum (offensive war) must use the language of demonizing to
inspire one’s own people to take arms against a malevolent enemy.
The culture of paranoia and conspiracy that sees every act by
those on the outside as part of an evil plot to destroy one’s
own group, expresses precisely this mentality, where self-criticism
is unthinkable, and dissent is viewed as treachery.
Our understanding of the Middle East conflict suffers from a
peculiar twisting of the dynamics of self-criticism. As a result,
many people do not understand the nature of the rhetoric they
hear and, assuming it all comes from the same “place,” mis-interpret
the information they get. In the case of the information coming
from Israel and the Palestinian or Arab media, for example, much
“even-handedness” has insisted that the Arab media is every bit
as reliable as the Israeli, and vice-versa, that Israeli media
can be as dishonest and propagandistic. From one perspective it
would seem obvious and straightforward to distinguish between
the unusually
self-critical Israeli press willing to air its disagreements publicly
and the exceptional
reluctance of the Palestinian press to express serious criticism
of their own side, to allow any dirty laundry to go public.
And yet, a wide range of highly
intelligent and well-informed people tell us the exact opposite.
For uninformed observers, this may seem bewildering. In order
to understand the problem, one must understand a critical cultural
issue: civil societies thrive on self-criticism, and authoritarian
ones thrive on scape-goating and demonizing. To take the “narratives”
from both sides as equally legitimate (or worse, to primarily
trust the demonizing narrative from the authoritarian side because
they are “losing” the battle with civil society), is to make critical
category errors. In the battle between a totalitarian society
and a democracy, “even-handed”
approaches will always favor the totalitarian state. Rather
than appreciate the value and difficulty of self-criticism, reward
it, and encourage it on the other side, it punishes the self-critical
and rewards the demonizers.